February 22, 1861

President Abraham Lincoln at Independence Hall

Mr. Cuyler:–I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of restoring peace to our distracted country. I can say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated, and were given to the world from this hall in which we stand. I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. (Great cheering.) I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here and adopted that Declaration of Independence–I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army, who achieved that Independence. (Applause.) I have often inquired of myself, what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. (Great applause.) It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men, and that allshould have an equal chance. (Cheers.) This is the sentiment embodied in that Declaration of Independence.

Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can’t be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But, if this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle–I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than to surrender it. (Applause.)

Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. The Government will not use force unless force is used against it. (Prolonged applause and cries of “That’s the proper sentiment.”)

My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here–I supposed I was merely to do something towards raising a flag. I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, (cries of “no, no”), but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by.

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September 2, 1861

- Dry Wood Creek – Battle of the Mules – Missouri

Colonel J.H. Lane’s cavalry, comprising about 600 men, set out from Fort Scott to learn the whereabouts of a rumored Confederate force. They encountered a Confederate force, about 6,000-strong, near Big Dry Wood Creek.

The Union cavalry surprised the Confederates, but the confederate numerical superiority soon determined the encounter’s outcome. They forced the Union cavalry to retire and captured their mules, and the Confederates continued on towards Lexington.

The Confederates were forcing the Federals to abandon southwestern Missouri and to concentrate on holding the Missouri Valley.

- Letter from President Lincoln to Major-General Fremont:

WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT.

MY DEAR SIR:–Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me some anxiety.

First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without first having my approbation or consent.

Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of Congress entitled “An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes,” approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith send you.

This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and speedily reach you.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

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August 31, 1861

The War of American Independence–the Revolution–was fought with only one man holding the rank of full, or four-star, General: George Washington. The War for Southern Independence–the Civil War–was barely underway and this number had quintupled. Richmond announced today that no less than five men were being named as full generals, the promotions being effective on different dates so that these five would know who was superior to each other. In order they were: Samuel Cooper, Albert Sidney Johnston, Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston, and Pierre Gustav Toutant Beauregard. The only full General the North would name wouldn’t get the job for almost three years: U.S. Grant.

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August 30, 1861

- General John C. Fremont proclaimed that all slaves owned by Confederate sympathizers in Missouri were to be set free.

 At the time, Fremont was serving as commander of the newly-created Western Department of the Union Army based in St. Louis, a position he would hold for less than seven months. When news of Fremont’s proclamation reached Washington, President Abraham Lincoln feared this action would undoubtedly compel slave owners in bordering states to join Confederate forces.

Lincoln demanded Fremont modify his order and free only slaves owned by Missourians actively working for the south. Fremont refused, claiming ”It would imply that I myself thought it wrong and that I had acted without reflection which the gravity of the point demanded.”

In the end, Fremont’s decision was overturned when Lincoln hastily relieved him of duty replacing him with conservative General Henry Halleck.

Fremont’s trailblazing stance against slavery would be echoed by President Lincoln over a year later when he issued the Emancipation Proclamation that proclaimed the slaves in all rebellious states free.

- General U.S. Grant arrived in Cape Girardeau, where he took command of the Union forces in Southeast Missouri.

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August 29, 1861

A skirmish took place at Lexington, Mo., between four thousand five hundred secessionists and four hundred and thirty Home Guards and United States troops, in the intrenchments around Lexington. The attack was made by the secessionists, who were repulsed with a loss of sixty killed in the battle, and three of their pickets. None of the Federal force was killed. During the engagement, Arcana Hall, occupied by the Masons, and a private residence opposite to the court house, owned by R. Anil, Esq., of St. Louis, and occupied by T. Crittenden, Esq., (temporarily absent in Kentucky,) were shelled and burned. The impression was that the former contained powder designed for the use of the Confederates. Another attack was threatened.

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August 27-28, 1861

Union ships sail into North Carolina’s Hatteras Inlet, beginning a two-day operation that secures the area for the Federals and denies the Confederates an important outlet to the Atlantic.

The Outer Banks is a series of long, narrow islands that separate Pamlico Sound from the Atlantic, with Hatteras Inlet as the only deep-water passage connecting the two. In the first few months of the war, the Outer Banks was a haven for Confederate blockade runners and raiders. During the summer of 1861, one Rebel ship, the Winslow, wreaked havoc on Union shipping off North Carolina, and Federal naval and army officials mounted a combined operation to neutralize the area.

To protect the passage, the Confederates erected two fortresses of sand and wood, garrisoned by 350 soldiers. Eight Union warships and 800 troops under the command of Commodore Silas Stringham and General Benjamin Butler anchored off Cape Hatteras on August 27. Butler’s men slogged ashore the next day with wet powder, hardly in shape to attack a fortified position. Fortunately for the Yankee infantry, the squadron off shore began a devastating bombardment that forced the Confederates to abandon one of the strongholds, Fort Clark. The Confederates gathered inside of the larger Fort Hatteras, but the shelling from the Union ships was more than the garrison could stand. The force surrendered on August 29.

The capture of Cape Hatteras was an important victory for the Union, especially after the disaster at the First Battle of Bull Run, Virginia, one month earlier. It also gave the Union a toehold on the North Carolina coast, and it sealed an important outlet to the Atlantic.

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August 26, 1861

- Kessler’s Cross Lanes – Virginia

Brig. Gen. John Floyd, commanding Confederate forces in the Kanawha Valley, crossed the Gauley River to attack Col. Erastus Tyler’s 7th Ohio Regiment encamped at Kessler’s Cross Lanes. The Union forces were surprised and routed. Floyd then withdrew to the river and took up a defensive position at Carnifex Ferry. During the month, Gen. Robert E. Lee arrived in western Virginia and attempted to coordinate the forces of Brig. Gens. Floyd, Henry Wise, and William W. Loring.

Estimated Casualties: 285 total (US 245; CS 40)

- The Postmaster-General of the United States, acting under the proclamation of the President interdicting commercial intercourse with the seceded States, directed the postal agents of the Government to put an end to transmission of letters to the seceded States, by the arrest of any express agent or other persons who shall hereafter receive letters to be carried to or from these States.

 

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August 23, 1861

Just before 11 a.m., Rose O’Neal Greenhow, a dark-haired, dark-eyed Washington widow in her 40s, walked toward her house on 16th Street. Greenhow circulated among the capital’s elite social circles, and her home stood within sight of the White House. Despite the sweltering heat, she stopped to talk with a neighbor. A Union guard, she learned, had been placed in front of Greenhow’s house earlier that morning.

 

Rose Greenhow 
 
 
Library of CongressRose Greenhow

Greenhow looked around and saw two men, one in uniform, watching her on the other side of the street. Just then an associate passed her by. “Those men will probably arrest me,” she said. “Walk to Corcoran’s corner and see. If I raise a handkerchief to my face, give out the information.” She then removed a handwritten note from her pocket, put it in her mouth, and swallowed it before going to the home she shared with her eight-year-old daughter, Little Rose.

As Greenhow reached her front door, Allan Pinkerton, the famed Chicago detective, raced toward her with one of his men. Now in charge of counterintelligence in Washington for Gen. George B. McClellan and disguised as his nom de guerre, Maj. E.J. Allen, Pinkerton announced her arrest. While Greenhow demanded to see a warrant, she wiped her cheek with her handkerchief. Satisfied that her signal had been seen, she turned back to Pinkerton. “I have no power to resist you, but had I been inside of my house, I would have killed one of you before I submitted to this illegal process,” she said.

Greenhow was already well-known as a fervent supporter of the Confederacy. But Pinkerton was arresting her for more than her inconvenient political leanings. She was also one of the South’s most valuable spies.

Though the Civil War began on April 12, 1861, by then the South had spent months preparing a network of spies across the North, concentrated in Washington. Much of the groundwork in the capital was done by Capt. Thomas Jordan, at the time still an officer in the United States army. Knowing of Greenhow’s sympathies and social position, he recruited her to lead the spy ring. As one of the premier hostesses in the city and a longtime friend of former President James Buchanan, Greenhow frequently entertained members of Congress and diplomats with elaborate dinner parties. She was also known for her beauty and charm, which she willingly used to get tight-lipped men to talk.

Greenhow was also familiar with tragedy, which likely added to her resolve to risk everything for the Confederacy. Born in southern Maryland to a wealthy family and nicknamed “Wild Rose,” her father had been murdered by one of his slaves when Greenhow was still a girl. She and her siblings were separated and sent to live with relatives. In 1854, her husband was killed in an accident, and by August of 1861, five of the eight children she’d given birth to were dead. Her daughter Gertrude, who suffered for months from typhoid fever, had died that spring.

In the few months since the war began, Greenhow had already proved herself as an effective spymaster. In addition to passing along critical information collected by her agents, she used her sources to find out when the Union Army would march south to attack Manassas. On July 9, Greenhow sent a coded message to Gen. Gustave Toutant Beauregard, commander of Confederate forces in Northern Virginia, through her 16-year-old courier, Bettie Duvall. Duvall carried Greenhow’s coded message in a black silk purse tucked in a chignon at the nape of her neck; she drove a wooden milk cart 20 miles through Union territory until she reached Beauregard’s headquarters. The Confederates won the battle largely because Greenhow’s message gave Beauregard time to request more troops. After the battle, Greenhow received a note from Richmond: “Our President and our General direct me to thank you. The Confederacy owes you a debt.”

But now the game was up. On this hot August day, detectives escorted Greenhow into her house and ransacked her home. While they collected letters and notes that implicated her as a spy, Greenhow went to her bedroom under the guise of changing her clothes. As soon as she was alone, she destroyed papers she’d been carrying, including the cipher she used to communicate with Manassas.

The detectives arrested other women that day for “corresponding with the enemy” and within a week sent them to Greenhow’s home, which would become known as “The House of Detention for Female Rebels.” Newspapers called it “Fort Greenhow.” Guards camped out for another week while they searched every corner of the house, tossing everything in their path, including the personal effects of Greenhow’s recently deceased daughter.

For nearly five months, Greenhow was kept under house arrest with Little Rose. She was interrogated daily. Despite her confinement, some of her intelligence, gleaned from the guards or visitors, continued to reach Confederate headquarters. Pinkerton wrote, “She has not ceased to lay plans, to attempt the bribery of officers having her in charge, to make use of signs from the windows of her house to her friends on the street, to communicate with such friends and through them… to the rebels.” She even wrote a biting letter to Secretary of State William Seward, complaining about her poor treatment, and sent a copy of the letter to a Richmond newspaper. Seward and other Union officials were embarrassed and furious.

On Jan. 18, 1862, Pinkerton, having grown tired of Greenhow’s behavior, insisted that all paper be removed from her home and the windows boarded up. In the late afternoon, Greenhow, Little Rose and another female prisoner were transferred to the military prison on Capitol Hill under the gaze of newspaper reporters. As the notorious spy left her home, she said to one of the guards, “I trust that in the future you may have a nobler employment than that of guarding defenseless women.”

The women were the first females to arrive at the prison, which was packed with Confederate soldiers and crawling with vermin and disease. Greenhow’s elitist and racist attitude, as well as her open disdain for the guards, only made her situation worse. She wasn’t allowed out of her room for the first three months.

After five months of house arrest and more than four months in prison, Greenhow was finally brought before a commission to decide her fate. They finally agreed to release her, along with her young daughter, on the condition that Greenhow stayed in the South until the war was over.

 

Rose Greenhow with her daughter

Rose Greenhow with her daughter.
 

The South greeted her as a heroine, and President Jefferson Davis asked her to travel to Europe on a diplomatic mission. While she championed the Confederacy overseas, she published her memoir, “My Imprisonment and the First Year of Abolition Rule at Washington.” Her earnings were intended to be donated to the Confederacy.

On her way back to the South in October 1864, Greenhow’s blockade runner, the Condor, encountered Northern forces and ran aground on Federal shoals. Despite the captain’s warning, Greenhow insisted on trying to escape in a rowboat with several others. Wearing a heavy black silk dress, Greenhow carried dispatches and about $2,000 in gold from her book. Waves quickly battered the small boat and tossed its crew into the water. Greenhow drowned, carried under by the weight of the gold. Her body washed ashore the next morning; she was given a hero’s funeral and buried in Oakdale Cemetery in Wilmington, N.C.

Cate Lineberry, New York Times

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August 21, 1861

- The Executive Committee of the New York Union Defence Committee reported : that, to this date, it had spent in the equipment of various regiments, five hundred and eighty-one thousand six hundred and eighty-nine dollars; for arms and ammunition, two hundred and twenty-six thousand five hundred and eighty-nine dollars; and for relief to soldiers’ families, \ two hundred and thirty thousand dollars. – See Journal of the Board of Aldermen, N. Y.

- JEFFERSON CITY — Brig. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant arrived at his new command to find a confused mass of undisciplined troops, fearful refugees and almost worthless Home Guard troops.

“I found a good many troops in Jefferson City, but in the greatest confusion, and no one person knew where they all were,” Grant wrote in his memoirs.

Grant replaced Col. James Mulligan, commander of the 23rd Illinois Infantry, who he described as “a gallant man” who “had not been educated as yet to his new profession and did not know how to maintain discipline.”

The city was awash in freelance recruiting stations, promising almost any terms to get men to enlist. The standard army term at the time was three years.

“There were recruiting stations all over town, with notices, rudely lettered on boards over the doors, announcing the arm of service and the length of time for which recruits at that station would be received,” Grant wrote.

Some signed up for six months, others for a year or longer. Some recruits were promised they would not leave the state, while others signed with no such restriction. Many recruits were already in the service, bound for three years, Grant noted.

The refugee problem was so large, and the condition of the refugees so bad, that they “must have starved but for the support the government gave them.”

Grant stopped all the recruiting and stationed troops at all approaches to the city. “Order was soon restored,” Grant wrote.  – Colombia Daily Tribune

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August 13, 1861

BOUNTY TO VOLUNTEERS—INCREASED PAY, &c.

By an act of Congress, recently passed, the soldiers’ pay is increased from eleven dollars to fifteen dollars per month, and the pay of non-commissioned officers is increased in proportion.  To the three months’ troops a bounty of thirty dollars per man is offered, if they re-enlist for the war individually, forty dollars if they re-enlist by companies, and fifty dollars if they re-enlist by regiments.  At the end of the war, or three years’ service, each soldier will receive $100 in cash and 160 acres of land.  Uncle Sam pays his soldiers better than any other nation on earth.  Fifteen dollars per month is $180 a year.  To this add boarding and clothing and medical attendance, and mileage home, and it makes the compensation of the volunteers superior to what any laborer can earn by days’ work, and as much as a majority of mechanics can earn at steady employment. - The Saint Paul Daily Press

Becoming a military officer

The Examiner and Herald reported on the qualifications needed to receive a military commission.

“Persons desirious of military glory and ambitions of serving their country as lieutenants, captains, colonels, &c., would do well to make note of the following:

“The military commission recently created for the examination of newly-appointed officers in the army and volunteer forces, have resolved that the following regulations should form a basis of the standard of qualification before an officer can be entitled to hold a commission: Of company officers, captains and lietenants, they should be able to answer, orally and correctly, all questions on the manner of instructing recruits, the manual of arms, the school of the soldier, the position of commissioned and non-commissioned officers in line, and possess a knowledge of battalion movements.

“The field officers to be able to understand all that is required from the company of officers, and, in addition thereto, evolutions of the line, the proper conjuncture and circumstances under which to use field artillery, the elements of military engineering, and such other collateral questions as the examiners propose.”

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